The picture on the wall

By Mahreen Khan

It is the faded, framed print on the wall, sometimes hanging slightly lopsided, the paper mottled by a combination of humidity and apathy. Flanked by newer, glossier, airbrushed portraits of less worthy incumbents, most passersby scarcely notice the iconic image of a leader who altered the course of world history and put Pakistan on the map. Quaid- i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, has been confined within the plastic portrait that adorns every government institution, his life seldom examined, its wisdom untapped and the principles of his politics unapplied.

Perhaps this is due to the depersonalised, unimaginative way in which youngsters are taught the history of this nation. My own knowledge of Quaid-i-Azam centred on the respectful epithet “father of the nation”— a routine fact of general knowledge, devoid of any personal resonance or understanding until Stanley Wolpert’s Jinnah of Pakistan captured my attention. Ironically, it took an American professor to first pen such an authoritative, captivating and incisively written biography which, for me and millions of others, transformed a distant, dutiful respect for the “portrait Quaid” into genuinely heartfelt admiration for the real life Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Wolpert’s work charts Mr Jinnah’s life with academic rigour. Mr Jinnah’s illustrious advocacy, his superior wit, unrivalled intellect and razor-sharp acumen were legendary. More than equal to the challenge of duelling with the defeated yet duplicitous British imperialists and the wily leaders of India’s Hindu majority, Mr Jinnah’s superior political strategy and outstanding legal prowess deserves examination, not just for well-informed Pakistanis but for anyone who wishes to dissect a supremely successful political campaign — the formation of a mass political movement and a new nation.

On a personal level, even his political opponents respected Mr Jinnah as a man of integrity. Archives show Mr Jinnah’s hand-written receipt for an eight aana donation to the All India Muslim League, a testament to his exactitude. As governor-general of Pakistan, he was even more frugal with state funds especially when they pertained to his person, even restricting the serving of tea at meetings so as not to burden the state budget. Compare this to the profligacy of the Presidency and the prime minister house, with lavish foreign visits complete with Harrods shopping excursions and bloated entourages all freeloading at the taxpayer’s expense. As for integrity, the current political crop occupy the opposite end of the moral spectrum to Mr Jinnah.

Many will protest that using comparisons with Mr Jinnah’s standards of probity are useless in the current age where weapons of mass corruption are used flagrantly. However, confining homage to Quaid-i-Azam to hanging a picture on the wall is like keeping the Holy Quran respectfully on a high shelf unopened, unread and unexamined. It is not just a pitiful disservice but a larceny of the invaluable legacy that belongs to each one of us — the wisdom that lies in a meaningful examination of his life, a reflection which yields inspiration as well as instruction. By acknowledging his outstanding leadership and character only to relegate them as an unattainable gold standards for today’s political pygmies, is an insidious cop-out. Integrity is not a genetic trait or some ethereal quality imbued upon the chosen few. It is founded on basic core values and constructed with consistently honest behaviour in one’s personal and political life. Mr Jinnah’s integrity is reflected in the choices he made — choices available to us all and to our political representatives, who may never be comparable to Mr Jinnah but should at the least be held accountable to aspire to his example.

It is a travesty that Mr Jinnah’s estimable qualities as an historic political figure and his remarkable achievements have been diluted in our students’ minds by antiquated textbooks, rote learning and dutiful replications of outmoded Communist-style school essays on his greatness. Mr Jinnah’s political achievement remains momentous, indelible and unprecedented. His personality, character, intellect and integrity are unassailable to this day. Mr Jinnah’s historical persona needs no embellishment, nor embroidery through hagiography. It is not a mark of patriotism to hold Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in high esteem — it is a natural corollary of any dispassionate analysis of a man who, in Professor Wolpert’s words, is “one of history’s most remarkable, tenacious, enigmatic figures.”

Published in The Express Tribune, December 25th, 2010.

What Mohammad Ali Jinnah was not?

Mowahid Hussain Shah

A Muslim visitor returning from India feels instinctively a sense of gratitude to Jinnah for founding Pakistan, which, with all its warts and imperfections, is a place free from the spectre of Muslims at the receiving end of communal fury.

This is not to denigrate India, a country difficult to match in the range of its cultural diversity. But no honest Indian would contend that India is a safe haven for Muslims. But no lofty claims are made here for a secular order. Yet, some Pakistanis would still like to reassess the utility of the creation of Pakistan and the wisdom behind the founding. The debate would be conclusively answered by asking the single question: Are the Muslims of India better off than the Muslims of Pakistan? 

By some accounts, India has more Muslims than Pakistan. But that fact, apart from tokenism, is not reflected at the helm of affairs. Sikhs, for all the agitation, were (and still are) far better represented than Muslims despite their significantly smaller size. Secularism is intellectually attractive but, in effect, fraudulent. The obvious needs to be restated. But for Pakistan, there would not have been too many generals, business moguls, sport superstars and bureaucrats of the Islamic faith. Having said that, it does not necessarily follow that the experiment of a Muslim homeland has been an unqualified success. 

Born under an August moon 63 years ago, the question naturally arises: Are we closer to the dream envisioned by M.A. Jinnah? A yes or no answer would be misleading as well as over-simplistic. In 2010, the struggle for the soul of Pakistan continues. Is it meant to be a religious state? An Islamic democratic welfare state? An Islamic social welfare state? Was it supposed to be a socialist republic? A liberal secular parliamentary democracy patterned after the Westminster model? Or is it supposed to be a straightforward dictatorship? While addressing the Karachi Bar Association in January 25, 1948, the Quaid-i-Azam said: “I cannot understand the logic of those who have been deliberately and mischievously propagating that the Constitution of Pakistan will not be based on Shariat. Islamic principles today are as much applicable to life as they were 1300 years ago. The Father of the Nation had made it clear in an address to Islamia College, Peshawar, in January 13, 1948: “We had not demanded for Pakistan only to get just a piece of land, but our goal was to gain a laboratory where we could put into practice the golden principles of Islam.” 

The problems in Pakistan run the whole gamut of human experience: wars, autocracy, civil strife, poverty, malnutrition, illiteracy, child marriages, traffic deaths, lack of commitment to excellence, terrorism and the vivisection of half of the country. But the problems are not unique to Pakistan. They are growth pains associated with a developing society and are present to some degree, even in a technologically developed country like the US where reliable sources estimate at least 43 million functionally illiterate Americans.

The questions about Pakistan’s survival can pertinently expand to include within its ambit the fate of the earth. Sixty-three years may seem a long and trying journey, but it is a mere blink of the eye in the history of mankind. Pakistan can be better off or worse off depending upon the countries juxtaposed alongside for the sake of comparison.

The vision of M.A. Jinnah itself is subject to varying interpretations. It is a tiresome spectacle to see scholars and pseudo-scholars attempting to define and than tailor the alleged vision to fit current expediencies. It is almost always asked what Jinnah was, what he saw, and what he really envisioned. Old speeches are dug up and incomplete statements are taken out of context. The approach in most cases is anecdotal, unaccompanied by supporting facts. Or, if facts are given, they are uncorroborated by independent accounts. The result is a piecemeal view looking more at the individual trees than at the overall forest.

Let us begin to ask what M.A. Jinnah was not: A question of fact, rather than mere opinion. The facts would agree that M.A. Jinnah was not a general. He was certainly not a bureaucrat. And he was most definitely not a man of the cloth. The facts would also agree that he was a constitutionalist to the core. A superb parliamentarian who blended his considerable skills of advocacy with an uncanny sense of politics to plead and later to successfully win his biggest case. The facts further would indicate that he was no demagogue, street-agitator, or mob inciter, but a lawyer who believed in the rule of law over the rule of men.

Be it in America or Russia, the established institutions try to define the future goals of their society keeping in mind the intent of the founding fathers. In India, too, secular noises consistent with Gandhi and Nehru’s publicly stated preferences are periodically made.

The concept of Pakistan - a separate homeland for the Muslims - has been vindicated insofar as the Muslims of Pakistan and of the subsequently partitioned East Pakistan or Bangladesh go. 

True, Pakistan is miles away from realising the dream of M.A. Jinnah. But there are enough believers of the frayed dream to give rise to optimism. If the song of the people of Pakistan does not carry the resonance of old, the fault does not lie with the song but with the singer.

The writer is a barrister and a senior political analyst.
Source: The Nation

A Measure of The Quaid's Achievement

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